Market access for farm products a final hurdle in TPP trade talks: U.S

Access to Canada's tightly controlled agriculture market is among the main remaining hurdles to a historic 12-country free-trade deal, the U.S. administration said Thursday.

The U.S. trade minister was asked at a public event what sticking points were keeping American negotiators busiest in the final stages of talks toward a Trans Pacific Partnership pact.

He mentioned two countries — Canada being one.

Michael Froman appeared to be referring specifically to Canada's supply-management system, which sets prices for cheese, dairy and poultry and which limits foreign competition.

"I'd say the outfitting issues fall into a couple of different categories. (One is) market access, which is sort of the heart of the trade agreement," Froman, the U.S. trade representative, replied during an Aspen Institute forum in Washington.

"Clearly, we have agricultural issues with Japan and Canada. We're making good progress with Japan, and hope to engage with Canada soon."

Significant progress on some fronts

He went on to say that the second overall obstacle is different national rules — related to intellectual-property rights, state-owned enterprises, labour and environmental rules.

But he said there had been significant progress on those fronts, and said the main contours of the TPP appeared increasingly "crystallized" at a just-concluded meeting with fellow trade ministers in Australia.

The differences with Japan on market access stem from generations-old industrial traditions.

Attempts to dismantle that country's subsidies for the farm and automobile sectors risk provoking a severe political backlash.

The issue with Canada is partly a question of timing.

Canada is apparently holding off on a detailed negotiating position — and waiting for other events to take shape before offering concessions.

Canada wants negotiations fast-tracked

Sources in both countries say Canada has been awaiting two developments: A meaningful agreement involving Japan, and for the U.S. Congress to grant the Obama administration fast-track negotiating authority.

Canada's ambassador to Washington says he's delighted when people accuse Canada of playing hardball.

"Good... I'm sorry, I consider that a compliment," Gary Doer said in a recent interview.

"When people say we're playing hardball here, I support that."

He said Canada can't put itself in the position of making a bunch of concessions, then having 535 Washington lawmakers disfigure the deal with a series of amendments.

Under the U.S. Constitution, Congress has authority over international treaties, not the president.

However, it has in the past granted the president "trade promotion authority," a fast-track tool where lawmakers agree to a simple vote —  yes or no — on a final deal, with no amendments allowed.

Because the Democrats in the Senate are divided on free trade, the chamber's majority leader has refused to call a vote on allowing the White House to fast-track the deal.

Move could follow midterms

Now there's speculation in Washington that such a move could come after next week's midterm elections, especially if Republicans gain control of the chamber.

"We believe the president has to seek trade promotion authority," Doer said.

"We're having positive discussions now. But you can't have a situation where a country like Canada can come to an agreement with 12 countries, including the United States, that they can bring back to (Capitol) Hill and it can be amended."

It wouldn't be the first time a Canadian trade negotiation only delves into the details of supply management at the 11th hour.

In the case of Canada's recent deal with the European Union, increased quotas for imported cheeses were only hashed out in the final few days of talks.

TPP negotiations at 'critical stage': US commerce secretary

The supply-management system protects Canadian farmers but, on the downside for consumers at the grocery store, it can limit choices and increase prices.

All major Canadian political parties profess to support the system.

In a speech to a Canadian audience Thursday, another U.S. cabinet minister urged greater access to agriculture markets as one of her country's priorities.

"We are at a critical stage in TPP negotiations," Commerce Secretary Penny Pritzker said in prepared remarks for a speech in Ottawa.

"Now is the time for all parties to work together, to be bold and creative in crafting an ambitious outcome -- with high standard provisions in key areas like intellectual property protection, agricultural market access, and labor and environmental standards... This is our opportunity to upgrade that transformational trade pact, (NAFTA). TPP will be the next chapter."

Pritzker is among the four U.S. cabinet secretaries visiting Canada over a six-week span, including Secretary of State John Kerry, who arrived this week and paid his condolences following attacks against Canadian soldiers.

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Ottawa attack: Was Michael Zehaf-Bibeau's attack a terrorist act

NDP Leader Tom Mulcair's comments that the deadly actions taken by Michael Zehaf-Bibeau should not be characterized as terrorism has sparked a debate among his political rivals and highlighted a controversy often ignited when using such terms. 

"We cannot look at an act of violence on its own and immediately declare it is terrorism or not, we have to take into account context — motivation and intent, victim, perpetrator, etc," said James Forest, professor and director of the graduate program in security studies at the University of Massachusetts Lowell. "And as with many things in life, different aspects of context will undoubtedly be interpreted differently by different people."

For his part, Mulcair suggested Zehaf-Bibeau, 32, had committed a "criminal act" and that based on the shooter's past, there wasn't enough evidence to describe his actions as terrorism.

"When you look at the history of the individual, attempts to get help, even to be in prison to get help if that turns out to be the case, I think that we're not in the presence of a terrorist act in the sense that we would understand it," Mulcair said.

The remarks were immediately seized upon by Conservative MPs, including Prime Minister Stephen Harper, who said there was "no contradiction in individuals who may have a series of personal financial and mental difficulties, and also be engaged in terrorist jihadist activities." 

Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau agreed and referenced the RCMP, who have said Zehaf-Bibeau's actions were motivated by political ideology.  A source familiar with the investigation has told CBC News that a video recovered by the RCMP appears to show Zehaf-Bibeau making specific reference to Canada's foreign policy as motivation for his actions and that he praises Allah in the recording. 

But is this an incidental factor, as Mulcair suggested, and is the real root of Zehaf-Bibeau's motivation his major dependency and mental health issues?

Lorne Dawson, a University of Waterloo sociology professor and co-director of the Canadian Network for Research on Terrorism, Security and Society, says no.

Lashed out in 'politically significant way'

While acknowledging  Zehaf-Bibeau's drug and mental health issues, Dawson pointed out that he also decided to lash out in a "very politically significant way — at least symbolically."

"It may be wise in the end to interpret him as yet another victim of jihadi terrorist groups, since they are purposefully seeking to exploit the vulnerabilities of people like him. But his actions constitute terrorism in their nature and their consequences, whether he fully understood that or not."

Forest agreed that Zehaf-Bibeau's personal issues don't mitigate whether he committed a terrorist act. 

"When an individual commits a non-terrorist act of homicide, do we call it something other than murder if it turns out he/she also had major drug issues, mental health issues, etc. at the time of their crime?"

"The fact that there was a political ideology motivating the attack separates it from other kinds of murderous violence that stem from homicidal lunacy, passion, profit or personal revenge," Forest said.

Whatever mental distress Zehaf-Bibeau was suffering, it doesn't exclude the reality of what he did and what he specifically attacked, said Michael Zekulin, a political science professor who studies terrorism and radicalization at the University of Calgary.

Justin Bourque, 24, of Moncton, could be facing three consecutive life sentences, with no chance of parole for 75 years for the fatal shooting of three RCMP officers. Experts don't agree on whether his actions should be considered terrorist acts. (Facebook)

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"This is a political statement, a symbolic statement. If he's simply mentally distressed and wants to kill people, he could have killed people at the shelter he was staying at, he could have gone to a mall, he could have shot people in the street. He specifically went to and targeted a member of the Canadian military and then he moved specifically to the institutions of government."

What about Bourque?

Under Canada's Criminal Code, terrorism is defined as a violent act committed "in part for a political, religious or ideological purpose, objective or cause" with the intention of  "intimidating the public, or a segment of the public, with regard to its security, including its economic security, or compelling a person, a government or a domestic or an international organization to do or to refrain from doing any act."

How one defines an "ideological purpose," however, and whether other acts should also be considered terrorism are often debatable.

For example, there's the case of Justin Bourque, who fatally gunned down three RCMP officers in Moncton, N.B. earlier this year. He was charged with first-degree murder, but no terrorism-related offences, even though his sentencing hearing heard that he was trying to start a rebellion against what he considered to be an oppressive corrupt government that he insisted was squelching the freedom of most Canadians.

Zekulin acknowledged that Bourque's case is a grey area, and that different experts would split on how to classify his actions.

"But the argument here is, where is the greater political statement? With him at this this point, it is less clear or less cut and dry as it is with both Mr.[Martin] Couture-Rouleau or Mr. Zehaf-Bibeau." 

"I would still look at [Bourque's case] more as the personal [motivation] of 'I hate the police, I hate government.' It's not an effort to impact or effect large-scale political change."

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Dean Del Mastro's political fate hangs on verdict

A judge will rule today whether Peterborough, Ont., MP Dean Del Mastro is guilty of spending too much in the 2008 federal election and falsifying a document to cover it up.

The prosecution argues that Del Mastro ordered $21,000 in voter identification, voter contact and get-out-the-vote services from a now-defunct company called Holinshed, but claimed only $1,575 in services because the campaign realized that claiming the full amount would put them over the limit. 

Del Mastro says the $21,000 he paid out of his personal chequing account was for a separate set of services that Frank Hall, Holinshed's owner, never delivered.

Del Mastro, who was elected under the Conservative Party banner and once served as Prime Minister Stephen Harper's parliamentary secretary, has been awaiting the verdict since closing arguments in early September. The MP has been in Ottawa regularly and has taken part in the daily question period. He now sits as an Independent MP. 

If convicted, Del Mastro could lose his seat in the House of Commons.

"Anyone convicted of having committed an offence that is considered to be an illegal practice under the Act is not entitled to be elected or sit in the House of Commons for a period of five years from the date of conviction," Elections Canada spokeswoman Michelle Laliberte told CBC News.

It would be up to the House of Commons to decide how to proceed.

Del Mastro and Richard McCarthy, who was Del Mastro's official agent in 2008, are charged with:

• Spending more than the election expenses limit.
• Under-reporting his expenses.
• Turning in a campaign expense report that he "knew or ought reasonably to have known" was wrong.

Del Mastro is also charged with purposely exceeding the contribution limit for a candidate in his own election campaign.

Both men pleaded not guilty to the charges and face up to a year in jail and a fine of up to $2,000 if convicted. Del Mastro has repeatedly said he did nothing wrong and ran a clean campaign.

The court session is due to start in Lindsay, Ont., at 9:30 a.m.

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Income splitting: What it is and who benefits

During the 2011 election campaign, Prime Minister Stephen Harper promised that if he was re-elected his government would allow families with young children to be able to shrink their tax burden by splitting parents' incomes for tax purposes.

On Thursday, he announced "the family tax cut," which, when passed, would apply to the current tax year. It is a non-refundable credit of up to $2,000 for couples with children under 18 years.

What did Harper promise in 2011 on income splitting?

In 2011, the plan was to allow families with children under 18 to split a household income of up to $50,000, once the federal budget was balanced. That means, for example, that in a family with a stay-at-home spouse or someone working part-time, the partner with the larger income could assign up to $50,000 of income to the lower earner for tax purposes.

Harper argued that Canada's income tax system "treats families the same as roommates living under the same roof with no financial attachment. That is not realistic. That is not fair."

The 2011 Conservative Party platform says income-splitting will provide "significant tax relief for approximately 1.8 million Canadian families — each of them saving, on average, $1,300 per year."

What is the federal government now proposing?

The only major change to the new promise is that there is now a $2,000 cap on the maximum benefit a family can earn from income splitting.

That means the average saving will be less than the $1,300 average the party promised. But, along with income splitting, the government will also increase the universal child-care benefit and the child-care expense deduction, which means families with children will save an average of $1,140 per year in taxes, the government says.

How much will it cost?

The Department of Finance says this income-splitting proposal will cost the treasury about $2.4 billion in foregone revenues in the current fiscal year, and an average of about $2 billion per year over the next five years.

Who benefits from the family tax cut proposal?

Only families with children under 18 with two parents in different tax brackets would benefit.

The C.D. Howe Institute reports that 85 per cent of all households will receive nothing from new measure, as they don't fit the criteria.

As for families, the Conservative Party estimates that 1.8 million families will benefit from income splitting, a figure that the Broadbent Institute agrees with.

The institute, however, estimates that 543,000 families would have received a benefit of $2,000 or more under the 2011 proposal. Under the new family tax cut, those families will receive $2,000, the maximum benefit.

The average benefit for the nearly four million families with children under 18 will be $524 in 2015 under the family tax cut, which can be calculated by using data provided in the Broadbent Institute report.

Shortly before he died earlier this year, former Conservative finance minister Jim Flaherty was asked about his party's income-splitting proposal.

"I'm not sure that overall it benefits our society," he said.

How do benefits vary from province to province?

Sixty-one per cent of Quebec families with children under 18 would see no benefit at all, compared to 44 per cent in Alberta, according to the Broadbent Institute. That is primarily because of the different family makeups and income levels in the two provinces.

Capping the benefit at $2,000 affects 23 per cent of Alberta families with children under 18, compared to seven per cent in Quebec, according to the institute's data.

What are the arguments for income-splitting?

Under Canada's progressive income tax rates, if two families have the same total income, a family with two parents earning around the same amount will pay less tax than a family with two parents earning very different amounts.

"The main reason to implement income splitting is to establish tax fairness," the Institute of Marriage and Family Canada's chief executive Andrea Mrozek told Parliament's standing committee on finance earlier this month.

Mrozek argues that "fixing this inequity can be done either through income splitting or by flattening the tax brackets."

For Lawrence Solomon, executive director of Energy Probe, one reason to support income splitting is for its social impact. "Because incentives do matter, many of those now involuntarily stuck in that single household demographic would migrate to married status."

Proponents often point out that income splitting has been available to couples in the U.S. since 1948. Uncle Sam allows married couples to file jointly or individually — the choice is theirs, depending on which way will save them the most tax. The vast majority of couples elect to file jointly.

What are the criticisms of the family tax cut?

For the Boadbent Institute, the proposal is "fundamentally unequal." Rick Smith, the executive director, says "the greatest benefits would still go to the highest income earners with stay-at-home spouses, but would do little for low-income families" or single-parent families.

Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau said income splitting "doesn't make sense," and he will reverse the tax cut if elected. After Harper's announcement he said the proposal "would give a tax break to families like mine or Mr. Harper's. That's not good enough."

Opposition leader Thomas Mulcair didn't answer directly on Thursday whether he would roll it back if elected prime minister. But he did say, "It will only help a very small minority of people at a time when inequality is increasing in our society after years and years of Liberal and Conservative rule."

How does pension income splitting compare to the family tax cut?

For pensioners, it's the actual income that's split. That income can be from life annuity payments, from a company pension plan, annuity payments from an RRSP or deferred profit-sharing plan, RRIF payments and even the Canada Pension Plan.

For example, with the CPP, if a couple opts for income splitting and one receives $700 a month and the other receives $200, they can both receive a $450 monthly cheque. They must both be at least 60 years old.

The split can sometimes reduce or eliminate the clawback on Old Age Security payments or the age credit for the higher-income spouse. Further tax savings appear if both partners can claim the $2,000 pension income credit.

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Shawn Atleo defends his actions over the aboriginal education bill

Shawn Atleo is defending his actions in the lead-up to the federal government's tabling of its controversial aboriginal education bill, nearly six months after quitting his job as national chief for the Assembly of First Nations.

Speaking publicly for the first time since he vanished from the national spotlight, Atleo said he was simply doing his job when he pressed Stephen Harper to amend a draft version of the aboriginal education act before the prime minister announced $1.9 billion in funding for aboriginal education starting in 2015.

"I was instructed by the chiefs to advocate and press, and that is exactly what I undertook to do, was to press for the federal government to respond to the chiefs," Atleo said from Vancouver Island in a telephone interview with CBC News.

His resignation came amid criticism from chiefs who accused Atleo of selling out First Nations by siding with the government on its retooled aboriginal education bill after an initial draft had flopped.

Atleo insists he did not overreach his mandate.

"I pressed the prime minister to respond and that's what he did, when he stood up publicly in Treaty 7 territories in Alberta, we all learned at the same time what the final response of the federal government was to the five conditions that the chiefs had tabled by resolution in December," Atleo said on Thursday.

The AFN, under the direction from national chiefs, had outlined five conditions the government would have to meet to receive the support of First Nations for its prized education bill.

"My responsibility was to advance the five conditions, which I did," Atleo said.

The government tabled the First Nations Control of First Nations Education Act in the House of Commons in April — a bill Atleo said, at the time, contained some of the "key elements" First Nations had asked for.

He abruptly quit his post in May, less than three months after Harper's "historic agreement" with the AFN, saying he wasn't prepared to be a "lightning rod" for criticism of the government's aboriginal education bill,

Nearly six months after leaving Ottawa, Atleo maintains he was not negotiating on behalf of First Nations when he amended the draft bill in a document made public by the federal government as part of its legal defence against a bid for a judicial review. The case is currently before the courts.

"I think it's really a matter of having it clear on the record that I did not agree to something on behalf of First Nations chiefs and leaders across the country on their behalf with the federal government, with the prime minister.

"I pressed and advocated — just as I was instructed to do, as national chiefs before me have been instructed to do — and upheld with integrity the responsibilities of office, with particular focus and attention on our communities and especially the young ones," Atleo said.

Since Atleo's departure, the government has maintained its prized bill would remain on hold until it receives the support of the AFN. But in the face of a judicial review to overturn the aboriginal education act, the future of the bill remains uncertain. 

Atleo urged First Nations to continue striving for control of First Nations education, but said that effort can't be led by the AFN.

"It must be driven by communities themselves, by nations, by regions. It's not for my previous office to implement," Atleo said.

"I think that in the months that have passed since I left the role, I think that the focus can now return back to the work that must happen, driven by nations and regions to find solutions with governments."

Atleo turned up in Port Alberni at the end of September where it was reported that he'd had "enough" of his six years in Ottawa.

The former national chief said he wanted to "clarify" the gist of those remarks. 

"It was mostly really about the Ottawa winters. When it's 40 below and you need to tuck into a Tim Hortons to get warm.

"Otherwise, I found my previous work to be a tremendous privilege and learned an incredible amount," Atleo said.

On Thursday, B.C. Premier Christy Clark announced that Atleo agreed to work as the province's first Speaker for Indigenous Dialogue based out of the Vancouver Island University in Nanaimo.

Atleo will be expected to facilitate discussions between B.C.'s First Nations, government and industry but he made it clear he will not be negotiating on behalf of Clark's B.C. Liberals.

Earlier this month, Atleo also took on another academic position with the University of Toronto's Ontario Institute for Studies in Education as a Distinguished Fellow in Indigenous Education.

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NDP hopes for 2015 election hinge on a breakthrough outside Quebec

Although the NDP remains competitive in Quebec, the scene of its historic breakthrough in 2011, the party will need to make significant gains in the rest of the country if leader Tom Mulcair is to become prime minister in 2015.

In Quebec, the party still holds the support of most of the voters who cast their ballot for the party in the last election. Though they have dropped into a close race with the Liberals for top spot in the province, the party continues to poll first among francophones, who will decide the outcome in most of the province's 78 ridings next year.

If the party holds on to those voters through to 2015, a majority of NDP MPs from Quebec can expect to be re-elected.

But it is in the rest of the country that the ultimate fate of the party will be decided.

Strip away the 59 seats the party won in Quebec in 2011, and the New Democrats took 44 seats. A strong performance by the party's historical standards, but far from a government-in-waiting. Outside of Quebec, the NDP captured 26 per cent of the vote in that election. By comparison, the Conservatives took 48 per cent.

At this point, the NDP does not seem poised to improve upon that showing.

The party is polling below the level of support it received in 2011 throughout the country. In Ontario, the NDP is down almost six points from its 2011 showing to 20 per cent, according to a weighted average of the polls.

The party is also down slightly in the Prairies (to 28 per cent), while in Alberta (11 per cent), British Columbia (26 per cent) and Atlantic Canada (22 per cent), the New Democrats are currently polling at or below where they stood in 2008, let alone 2011.

Is Mulcair a drag or an asset?

Compared with his predecessor, however, Mulcair is doing well in a pre-electoral setting.

A poll by Angus Reid conducted on the eve of the 2011 election campaign found Jack Layton to be the choice of 17 per cent of Canadians for prime minister. His approval rating was 37 per cent. 

Although the latest polls suggest Mulcair's numbers on who would make the best prime minister are similar, his approval rating stands at around 48 per cent. That gives Mulcair almost identical approval ratings to those enjoyed by Layton at the end of the last campaign — but by that point, Layton's support as the best choice for PM had risen to 29 per cent of Canadians, according to Angus Reid's final election poll.

With his high approval ratings, it is difficult to argue Mulcair is a drag on party fortunes. However, he does seem to be less popular than his own party in some regions.

If we compare the voting intention results in Angus Reid's most recent federal poll to the numbers on who would make the best prime minister (after removing undecideds), we see that Mulcair polls significantly lower than his party in British Columbia, the Prairies and Ontario. Only in Quebec does Mulcair poll higher than his party.

Growth opportunity?

Mulcair does have room for growth, however. Layton demonstrated that a popular leader can turn sympathy into votes in the right circumstances, and perhaps Justin Trudeau will prove to be as ineffective a campaigner in 2015 as Michael Ignatieff did in 2011. Across the country, Mulcair's approval ratings are markedly higher than the support levels for his own party. Some of those voters who approve of the job the Official Opposition leader is doing may be accessible for the NDP.

In Ontario, for example, Mulcair has recently averaged a 47 per cent approval rating, against just 27 per cent disapproval. His approval ratings throughout the country are, for the most part, comparable with Trudeau's. And he fares even better in Quebec, where Mulcair's approval rating stands at an average of 63 per cent. In no region does a federal leader have a higher approval rating than that, including Stephen Harper in his home province of Alberta.

But strong personal numbers are not a guarantee of success at the ballot box. Before the 2008 election, for example, Stéphane Dion was polling behind Jack Layton, yet his party finished the election well ahead of the New Democrats. It took Layton four elections and almost 10 years to finally capitalize on his personal popularity.

Mulcair may find it difficult to pull off the same feat in his first attempt.

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ThreeHundredEight.com's weighted averages include all publicly published polls weighted by three factors: the age of the poll, the size of the sample, and the track record of the polling firm.

The approval ratings averages were calculated by averaging the results of recent polls by EKOS Research, Forum Research, and Angus Reid Global. Methodology, sample size and margin of error if one can be stated vary from survey to survey and have not been individually verified. See the firms' respective websites for full methodological details.

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Watchdogs urge caution in boosting federal policing powers

Canada's access to information and privacy watchdogs are calling on the government to make sure that any move to boost the powers of police and intelligence agencies will be evidence-based and have effective oversight mechanisms to ensure "fundamental rights and freedoms" are upheld. 

"We acknowledge that security is essential to maintaining our democratic rights," the statement notes.

"At the same time, the response to such events must be measured and proportionate, and crafted so as to preserve our democratic values."

To that end, they want to see the government "adopt an evidence-based approach" in considering any boost to existing intelligence and police powers, and to ensure that any new measures include "effective oversight."

They also want to see an "open and transparent dialogue" with Canadians "on whether new measures are required, and if so, on their nature, scope, and impact on rights and freedoms."

Federal, provincial and territorial commissioners and ombudsmen are in Ottawa for their annual meeting, which begins today and continues on Thursday.

The rare joint statement comes on the same day that a special symposium is set to explore the shifting balance between national security and human rights a decade after the launch of a judicial inquiry into the treatment of Maher Arar.

Dubbed "Arar + 10," the conference is being hosted by the University of Ottawa Centre for International Policy Studies, along with Amnesty International, the International Civil Liberties Monitoring Group and the Human Rights Research and Education Centre.

Among the events set for today: an "unprecedented keynote lunchtime panel" with the three judges who have presided over judicial inquiries related to national security in the last 10 years:

• Former Supreme Court Justice Frank Iacobucci (Internal Inquiry into the Actions of Canadian Officials in Relation to Abdullah Almalki, Ahmad Abou-Elmaati and Muayyed Nureddin)
• Former Supreme Court Justice John Major (Commission of Inquiry into the Investigation of the Bombing of Air India Flight 182)
• Ontario Court of Appeal Justice Dennis O'Connor (Commission of Inquiry into the Actions of Canadian Officials in Relation to Maher Arar)

On Monday, Public Safety Minister Steven Blaney tabled a bill that would expand the powers of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) to monitor and track suspected terrorists and provide increased protection for confidential sources.

It would also give the agency more leeway to operate outside Canada, including sharing intelligence with members of the so-called "Five Eyes" countries: Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand.

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Revenue Canada admits letters to taxpayers are almost indecipherable

The next time you puzzle over an indecipherable letter or notice from the Canada Revenue Agency, don't blame yourself: even the tax department acknowledges it churns out a lot of gobbledegook.

A study of the agency last month confirms the millions of communications that bureaucrats send to taxpayers each year are poorly organized, confusing, unprofessional, unduly severe, bureaucratic, one-sided and just plain dense.

All that gibberish comes with a human cost: confused taxpayers swamp the agency's call centres with needless telephone inquiries, or they send thousands of letters to tax offices asking for clarification.

And Canadians who receive government benefit cheques sometimes get cut off without cause because they don't understand the unintelligible letters the agency sends to them asking for information.

The findings appear in an internal evaluation of the 130 million pieces of mail that tax officials issue each year to businesses, charitable groups and individual taxpayers, virtually all of it through Canada Post rather than electronically.

A New York-based consultant firm hired to examine a cross-section of CRA's letters found the "information was not well organized, (the) presentation of information did not inspire confidence; and (the) tone used lacked empathy."

"Often the main purpose of the documents was not readily apparent, and other important information was scattered throughout the document or embedded in dense paragraphs," Siegelvision said in its $25,000 review for the government.

Misunderstood letters

The evaluation included an online survey of taxpayers by another firm, which asked respondents to examine a typical CRA notice that required the recipient to send the tax agency money. About half of those surveyed could not figure out they were supposed to write a cheque to the government because the document was so poorly written.

Worse, many of those surveyed claimed they understood the sample document when in fact they did not, says the $90,000 survey from TNS Canada Ltd.

'Participants ... often do not understand much of the information expressed in the letters they receive'- Consultant report for Canada Revenue Agency

Separate work commissioned from the Walker Consulting Group in 2012-2013 found that taxpayers they interviewed considered the letters and notices to be full of gibberish.

"Participants indicated that they often do not understand much of the information expressed in the letters they receive," said the Walker report.

"Many indicated a degree of frustration about not understanding various pieces of information contained in letters from the CRA."

The Siegelvision study also compared the CRA's standard communications with those of the Internal Revenue Service in the United States, which in July 2008 began a major initiative to improve the clarity and accuracy of its correspondence.

American versions clearly indicated that the taxpayer owed the government money, while the CRA equivalents were confusing, with long preambles and weak presentation. The agency's correspondence also compared poorly with tax letters and notices in Australia, Britain and the province of Quebec.

The evaluation blames the problem partly on older letter-generating software at the CRA that offers bureaucrats little flexibility in customizing or improving their communications.

The agency said it accepts the findings, and plans to consult businesses this fall to find ways to improve clarity, as part of a "red-tape reduction" initiative.

Looking for feedback

"The CRA will also engage Canadians to solicit their feedback on how to improve our correspondence with them," beginning next year, spokesman Philippe Brideau said.

The Canada Revenue Agency says it plans to boost the clarity of its communications as part of a new initiative starting in February next year. (Kady O'Malley/CBC News)

The agency plans a new service in February that will allow individuals to receive correspondence online, and will use the opportunity to improve clarity, Brideau said. Businesses have been offered a similar secure email service since 2013.

"Over the next 18 months, the most common letters and notices that the CRA generates, constituting more than 60 million pieces of correspondence a year, will be available online to Canadians in simplified, easier-to-understand formats," Brideau said in an email.

Officials also plan to hire a third-party consultant to help rewrite the templates for standard correspondence.

A senior executive at Siegelvision, the New York firm hired by CRA to conduct the review, declined to discuss its work for the agency, but said any organization needs to adopt a "blank slate" approach to communications rather than try to improve them incrementally or piecemeal.

Irene Etzkorn, the company's chief clarity officer, also said an organization needs a "high-level executive champion to overcome a lot of bureaucratic inertia."

Follow @DeanBeeby on Twitter

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Transport Canada tightens rail safety regulations in Lac-Mégantic aftermath

New requirements for hand brakes and other safety devices to ensure parked trains stay put are among the changes Transport Canada will enforce in response to the devastating 2013 rail disaster in Lac-Mégantic, Que.

Transport Minister Lisa Raitt announced Wednesday that her department is recruiting 10 additional inspectors to do more audits and provide more information to municipalities about the rail cargo moving through their communities.

"Building a safety culture is a shared responsibility," Raitt told reporters. "Lac-Mégantic is a case where the rules were not followed."

"This past year has been difficult for everyone involved," the minister said, acknowledging the hard work of not only her department but also the town's mayor and other officials.

In August, Transport Minister Lisa Raitt said Transport Canada took seriously the Transportation Safety Board's final recommendations on the 2013 train derailment in Lac-Mégantic. (Patrick Doyle/Canadian Press)

The department is investing in new research on dangerous cargo such as the crude oil that exploded in tanker cars in Lac-Mégantic and launching a targeted inspection campaign to check how hazardous goods are classified and reported.

Certain railways, including short lines and smaller companies will also now submit employee training plans to Transport Canada for review. An audit blitz is planned to determine specific training gaps at these shippers.

The Transportation Safety Board's final report found a "weak safety culture" at the Montreal, Maine and Atlantic railroad, which "did not have a functioning safety management system to manage risks."

The investigator's final recommendations fingered a failure of hand brakes to secure the train on the night it rolled away and crashed into the heart of the community's downtown before exploding and killing 47 people.

MMA had gaps in training, employee monitoring and maintenance practices, the final report said.

The TSB report also found that Transport Canada did not audit MMA often and thoroughly enough to ensure safety procedures were being followed.

Raitt's department issued an emergency directive immediately after the crash with new requirements for securing unattended trains.

Part of Wednesday's announcement was an additional directive implementing minimum requirements for hand brakes and other physical defences, backed up by a ministerial order to ensure the directive becomes permanent.

In April 2014, the government responded to initial recommendations from the TSB by removing the least crash-resistant DOT-111 tanker cars from circulation. At the time, it also required the industry to do more route planning and make sure emergency response plans are in place for the transportation of high-risk hydrocarbons like petroleum products.

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Ottawa shooting 1 week later: Security vs. privacy on Wednesdays with @Kady

Live Chat Coming Up

Join our live chat with blogger Kady O'Malley at noon ET

By Kady O'Malley, Janyce McGregor, CBC News Posted: Oct 29, 2014 10:01 AM ET Last Updated: Oct 29, 2014 10:11 AM ET

It has been one week since a lone gunman shot and fatally wounded a soldier at the National War Memorial in Ottawa before staging an attack on Parliament Hill that left him dead.

MPs are holding caucus meetings on the Hill this morning just as they were when the gunman, Michael Zehaf-Bibeau, ran through Centre Block one week ago.

Today on our Wednesdays with @Kady live chat:

• What did both attacks, in not only Ottawa but also St-Jean-sur-Richelieu, Que., mean to you? How have you responded to the violence in your own work and community life? What questions about what happened in both incidents continue to nag at you, one week later?
• How would you rate the Harper government's tone and conduct in the immediate aftermath and the days that followed the attacks?
• Are the enhanced security measures already put in place and the legislation — both newly-introduced and yet to come — adequate and appropriate? Does CSIS need more power? Should the RCMP be in charge of investigating what went wrong? Should more patrolling and control of speech on the Internet be part of the solution?
• As privacy and access to information commissioners meet in Ottawa today and with a conference underway to consider the Maher Arar case ten years on... what privacy and human rights concerns emerge as governments grapple with their response to these kind of attacks?

Join us at noon ET with your comments and questions. You can also talk to us on Twitter using the hashtag #WwK.

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The House

• The aftermath of 10/22/14 Oct. 18, 2014 2:01 PM This week on a special edition The House, NDP staffer Greta Levy, Conservative MP Erin O'Toole, Liberal MP Scott Brison and NDP MP Megan Leslie take us inside Parliament during Wednesday's dramatic events. Then, Public Safety Minister Steven Blaney joins us to discuss what the aftermath of this week's attacks will be.

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House, RCMP security radios don't talk to each other

Radios used by RCMP officers and House of Commons security on Parliament Hill use different frequencies, CBC News has learned, just one example of possible points of delay in communication during emergencies such as the one that played out during the shootings in Ottawa last week.

Concerns have been raised repeatedly over the years about the different silos in which law enforcement and security officials operate on and around Parliament Hill, including by Auditor General Michael Ferguson, who reported on them in 2012.

On Monday, Public Safety Minister Steven Blaney said security forces protecting Parliament must be better integrated.

"The silos we have today are not adequate. Security inside Parliament must be integrated with outside security forces," Blaney said in question period, less than a week after a gunman killed a soldier at the National War Memorial, ran onto the Hill to hijack a car, and was shot dead metres from the rooms where MPs were meeting.

The RCMP is responsible for security on the grounds of Parliament Hill, while the House of Commons and Senate each have separate protective services.

The House of Commons has its own security cameras inside the Centre Block that are monitored 24 hours a day, seven days a week from the communications centre in the Confederation building, just west of Parliament Hill.

But surveillance cameras on the perimeter and outside areas of Parliament Hill are RCMP cameras and are monitored separately by the Mounties at another location.

The Senate and House command centres can monitor the RCMP radio frequency but would have to speak by phone to communicate directly, slowing down crucial communications during emergencies.

Separate security service may be necessary

Last week added an additional complication, with the Ottawa Police Service responsible for responding to the National War Memorial for the shooting death of Cpl. Nathan Cirillo.

An RCMP intervention team secures an entrance to Parliament Hill on Oct. 22, 2014. (Adrian Wyld/Canadian Press)

Even the RCMP officers assigned to Prime Minister Stephen Harper had to hand off responsibility to House security officials once they hit the door of Centre Block. That has now changed, with Harper getting round-the-clock RCMP protection; the RCMP stay with him constantly.

Uniformed RCMP officers also have to turn in their service weapons when they enter the Centre Block of Parliament Hill.

It may not be possible for the RCMP to take over security on the Hill, however — parliamentary privilege dictates a separate police force for the buildings on the Hill because it exists in a legal netherworld. Parliament is its own separate and sovereign jurisdiction.​

The House of Commons referred to having to update its radio communications in a report on the strategic objectives for the current parliamentary session.

'Jurisdictional issue has not been resolved'

"The House administration will play a lead role in overseeing the planning, design and implementation of technology services and network and other telecommunication infrastructures, including the modernization of the integrated security system and the radio communication system," the report said.

Ferguson pointed out in a June, 2012 auditor general's report to House of Commons administration that one problem arose in 2009 when activists scaled the exterior of West Block.

"Subsequent analysis revealed that the House of Commons security services' mandate covered the area inside buildings under its jurisdiction and the RCMP's mandate covered the grounds, but no organization had a clear mandate for the roofs of the buildings," Ferguson wrote in his report.

Armed RCMP officers approach Centre Block on Parliament Hill following a shooting incident on Oct. 22, 2014. A Canadian soldier was shot at the Canadian War Memorial and a shooter was seen running towards the nearby Parliament buildings, where more shots were fired and he was eventually killed. (Chris Wattie/Reuters)

"The Parliamentary precinct security partners have recently agreed on operational procedures for joint responses to future intrusions that occur within each other's jurisdiction. However, the jurisdictional issue has not been resolved."

The question of who is responsible for the security of Parliamentary roofs also remained unresolved, he noted.

"The security partners have developed their co-ordination and communications through the Master Security Plan. A next step could be to unify the security forces for Parliament Hill under a single point of command, making it possible to respond to situations more efficiently and effectively."

The Board of Internal Economy, the committee of MPs that administers House budgets and related matters, formed a subcommittee a few months before Ferguson's report to deal with security in the parliamentary precinct.

It wouldn't comment yesterday on the issue of incompatible radio frequencies or on how Hill security might change in the wake of the shooting, saying, "for the safety and security of everyone on Parliament Hill, specific details about security practices and enhanced measures will not be shared."

Security on the Hill has been stepped up over the years, including closing off part of the stone wall that runs along Wellington Street and installing barriers to prevent unauthorized vehicles from entering. Michael Zehaf-Bibeau, the gunman killed after shooting Cirillo and attacking Parliament Hill, parked his car on Wellington just past the first blocked-off driveway. He ran onto the Hill and hijacked the car of a cabinet minister to continue to the main entrance to Centre Block, just under the Peace Tower.

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Don't overload CSIS: The case for a separate foreign spy agency

With each new round of terrorist scares, Canada's supposedly domestic spy agency, CSIS, has taken more steps to becoming the de facto foreign intelligence service the country has always lacked.

But now is where things will start to get murky, as they tend to in the secret world of espionage and intelligence gathering.

CSIS already has a recent and highly-secretive overseas operation to sniff out potential security threats to Canada.

And Ottawa's new counterterrorism initiatives, unveiled yesterday, will grant our sleuths even more powers to track suspected terrorists abroad and to link their operations to other spy networks.

A more far-reaching CSIS may make sense in strict security terms, but there can be problems if its core mandate, to protect us at home from terrorism and espionage (known as security intelligence), is inflated to take on the very different challenge of foreign intelligence gathering.

For foreign intel covers a far broader area involving diplomatic secrets, national and internatinoal politics, economics, trade deals, high-tech technology, military analysis and the global strategic competition between powers.

This is a dense and often treacherous thicket for spy operations, and something for which CSIS has neither the resources nor experience to handle.

It's a bizarre fact that Canada is the only G7 country without a dedicated foreign intelligence service, but our overstretched CSIS is probably not the answer to this vacuum in our dealings with a crisis–prone world.

'Contagion in our democracy'

Still, this is the direction we've been headed in for several years now given official Ottawa's lack of interest in its own secret organizations, according to one of the country's most prominent intelligence experts, Wesley Wark.

"CSIS has been allowed without any public debate or much clear thinking to become a hybrid service with eyes on both domestic threats and overseas targets," Wark says.

The former head of CSIS, Richard Fadden, walks past an RCMP officer securing an area around Parliament Hill on Wednesday, after a gunman opened fire at the National War Memorial. (Adrian Wyld / Canadian Press)

These are "two very different fields of operation requiring very different skill sets and oversight."

It's also a trend most of our Western allies would see as a huge mistake, indeed even intelligence heresy.

That's why the landmark McDonald inquiry into the RCMP, whose 1981 report led to the setting up of CSIS, warned that such a union can bring "contagion in our democracy," for without a real distinction between these two types of intelligence gathering the often shady aspects of foreign spying can infect security operations at home.

This is a key reason our allies keep such a firewall by clearly differentiating the skills, tactics and even legal powers of their respective home and foreign operations.

Hence Britain has its famous MI5 (domestic) and MI6 (foreign), the U.S. has an FBI and CIA divide, and France its home (DCRI) and external (DGSE) services.

Even Australia, a more apt example for Canada, has its domestic Security Intelligence Organization, and then its quite separate, foreign Secret Intelligence Service.

A bit of a jumble

CSIS was long restricted by its mandate from directly seeking overseas intelligence about Canadians or other threats. But since 9/11, it was given two massive legislated loopholes that have allowed it to expand abroad.

Under Section12 of the CSIS Act, it can travel anywhere in the world in its investigations and, thanks to controversial Section 19, it can scoop up any non-threat related intelligence it "incidentally" acquires. (As in "oops" what's this secret document I picked up by mistake?)

How much of this happenstance spy material is shared with the rest of government is not known. In a new report, the independent Security Intelligence Review Committee has just criticized CSIS for in some areas not always working well with other departments, like Foreign Affairs.

It also raised concerns about CSIS's ability to "confirm the value and veracity" of the intel it collects.

From CSIS's point of view, though, these loopholes are seen as essential, and in bureaucratic turf wars they are cited as reasons why a separate foreign spy agency is no longer required.

As befitting the espionage world, it's a slippery argument and many security experts are skeptical.

How can it make sense that our primary domestic spy service collects "incidental" foreign intelligence while answerable to Public Safety Canada, a department that has no experience in foreign intel and little time to consider it?

Meanwhile, other foreign intelligence flows in though our super-secretive eavesdropping service, the Communications Security Establishment, but its operation answers to the Ministry of Defence.

That leaves what's likely a more natural home for foreign intelligence, the highly experienced Foreign Affairs department, with only a very modest intel unit of its own, which is largely dedicated to the security of its own missions.

This jumbled reality of Canadian intelligence comes with a price. Canada has often suffered from dangerously weak intelligence when it sent troops abroad.

In Somalia, Rwanda, Afghanistan and the bombing of Libya, Canada relied for the most part on U.S. and allied intel briefings.

We are in the same position now with the coalition against ISIS in Iraq — we get hand-me-down intelligence because we've little of our own of value to share, and others naturally tell us what they want us to hear.

In 2006, the Conservatives made an election promise to set up a foreign intelligence service, but since then have apparently found the prospect too expensive or cumbersome to launch.

There also seems to be a reluctance to sully Canada's image by openly joining in the often dodgy, clandestine world of aggressive espionage.

The greatest deficiency is in the area of developing human sources, as electronic eavesdropping is often limited and far from reliable. And the need for both sources and sophisticated analysis is certain to expand enormously in the months and years ahead.

There is always the possibility, I suppose, that a thoughtful government will heed all those worries about a spying monolith and finally create fully separate domestic and foreign agencies.

But the past suggests such clarity is unlikely, that the muddle will remain and that CSIS will go on using stealthy steps and the opportunities that crises afford to steadily expand to cover both needs pretty much on its own, with all the problems that will entail. 

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Liberal MP wants political ads to get a lot more personal

 As the clock ticks down to the next federal election, Liberal MP Kevin Lamoureux has launched a backbench bid to force politicians to put their own faces front and centre in future political ads.       

Lamoureux's proposal, which is set to be considered by the House later this fall, would actually go one step further than the disclosure rules imposed on those vying for office south of the border.

Unlike their American counterparts, Canadian federal political hopefuls wouldn't be able to get away with a breathless "I'm-Candidate-X-and-I-approve-of-this-message" tagline delivered at a staccato speed an auctioneer would envy.

Not only would the endorsements have to be voiced personally by the presumed principal beneficiary of the ad — either the candidate, the party leader or a representative from the sponsoring third party entity — but "audio-visual ads" would have to include either an "unobscured, full-screen view" of the endorser making the statement, or a voice-over "accompanied by a clearly identifiable photographic or similar image."

The text of the endorsement would also have to be displayed for at least four seconds "in a clearly readable manner with a reasonable degree of colour contrast between the background and the printed statement."

The new requirements would  apply not just to ads aired on television, but those disseminated by any other platform — including online. 

Bill not intended to censor ads, MP says

In presenting the bill last year, Lamoureux stressed that in no way does he want to censor the content of political ads.

"Any political party can have any type of advertising it wants, whether it is during or outside of the election period," he explained. 

What his bill will do, he said, "is obligate the leaders of the respective political parties to authorize that they are aware of the content of the advertisements, and that they are comfortable with it."

"This is something Canadians would like to see," he told the House.

"It is taking responsibility."

The debate over Lamoureux's proposal, which was initially scheduled to begin on Monday, has been postponed until later this month, as he's currently in Ukraine as part of the international election monitoring team.

When it does make its way back to the top of the Order Paper, though, Conservatives may find it difficult to publicly argue against it.

Tories could find it hard to oppose proposal

Earlier this month, official Ottawa was aflutter after a leaked draft presentation to cabinet, apparently prepared for Canadian Heritage Minister Shelly Glover, suggested the government was preparing to amend the Copyright Act to allow the unfettered use of soundbites, clips and other footage in political advertisements.

The move was widely seen as a shot across the bow of Canada's major broadcasters — including CTV, CBC and Global — after they jointly served notice last May they might refuse to carry ads containing unauthorized news footage from any media outlet.

While neither Glover nor any other Conservative were willing to confirm the copyright changes were under active consideration, they were only too happy to voice their hypothetical support for such an initiative, which, they argued, could be crucial in arming Canadians with the information they need to cast an informed ballot in 2015.

Even Prime Minister Stephen Harper spoke out in favour of the idea. 

"As political people who conduct much of our business in public, we fully expect we will be held publicly accountable for the statements we make in public," he told reporters in Whitby.

"I would be very concerned about any proposal that would attempt to censor or block that information from the public."

As it turns out, that particular prediction appears to have been premature, at best: the fall omnibus budget bill, which was tabled last week, included no such provision.

Even so, it's hard to see how the Conservatives can now make a compelling case that such transparency shouldn't apply to advertisements put out by politicians' respective parties.

After all, if politicians are obliged to take responsibility for their words and actions, shouldn't they be prepared to do the same with their ad campaigns?

A spokesperson for Minister of State for Democratic Reform Pierre Poilievre says that the government hasn't yet decided how they'll advise their members to vote on Lamoureux's bill.

"We will take a position … when the debate is held," Gabrielle Renaud-Mattay told CBC News.

"Anything before that is speculation."

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Canada's child poverty rate down despite recession, UNICEF finds

UNICEF is commending the Canadian government and its provincial counterparts after it found the country's overall child poverty rate decreased during the recession five years ago.

The child poverty rate decreased from 23 to 21 per cent during the recession from 2008 to 2011, pulling roughly 180,000 children out of poverty, UNICEF Canada says today in a new report.

David Morley, president and CEO of UNICEF Canada, said in other affluent countries, child poverty actually increased during the same period of time.

"I think that's really impressive. It's better than the majority of other countries did during the recession," Morley said in a telephone interview from Toronto.

"It shows to me that when we put our mind to it as a society, we can make a difference in the lives of children."

Federal, provincial initiatives behind drop

The report by the UN Children's Fund is titled "Report Card 12: Children of the Recession" and it says the child poverty rate increased by an average of three percentage points across the 41 industrialized countries that were studied.

Morley said the report attributes the decrease in Canada to initiatives by both the federal and provincial governments, such as Ottawa's National Child Benefit supplement, which gives monthly payments and benefits to low-income families with children.

"(These initiatives) kept money in circulation ... money goes to poorer families, and that tends to be spent on children and then it kept money circulating in the economy as well," said Morley.

"That kind of investment in children is so important."

But for Canada's most vulnerable children, conditions deteriorated, the report said.

It said the child poverty gap, the difference between the median income of poor children and the poverty line, increased two percentage points.

"Poor children today are further away from average living conditions than poor children were at the start of the crisis," the report said.

"Only six of 41 nations managed to reduce the depth of poverty among children."

UNICEF wants national commissioner for children

Morley said the federal government should be preparing for possible impacts of a future recession.

He said UNICEF is advocating for the appointment of a national commissioner for children.

"We feel that if you have a voice for children at Parliament, because children don't vote, it's a way for somebody to be keeping an eye out for what the impact of policies will be on children," said Morley.

"We did a good job as a society during the recession. Now we need to build on that."

Morley said UNICEF would also like to see the development of an emergency plan for child poverty during a recession.

"If we put in place an emergency plan, that will mean that there's an explicit policy that children will be given a priority," said Morley.

"Let's, in good times, build up a reserve fund that can be used during hard times to protect family income and to protect children's services."

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Budget only buys half the Arctic ships promised, watchdog says

Parliamentary budget officer report concludes $3.1 billion would only pay for four ships

The Canadian Press Posted: Oct 28, 2014 9:09 AM ET Last Updated: Oct 28, 2014 9:19 AM ET

The Parliamentary Budget Officer says the federal government has not budgeted enough money to buy between six and eight Arctic patrol ships.

A new report by the PBO says the government's $3.1-billion budget is only enough to pay for four ships.

But the PBO adds that could drop to three ships if there is a delay of more than a year.

Last week, industry and military sources told The Canadian Press the government has scaled back its original plan to buy between six and eight vessels, choosing instead to buy five with an option for a sixth.

The deadline to sign a deal to begin constructing the vessels is the end of the year.

The Irving shipyard in Halifax was selected in 2011 to build the ships.

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The House

• The aftermath of 10/22/14 Oct. 18, 2014 2:01 PM This week on a special edition The House, NDP staffer Greta Levy, Conservative MP Erin O'Toole, Liberal MP Scott Brison and NDP MP Megan Leslie take us inside Parliament during Wednesday's dramatic events. Then, Public Safety Minister Steven Blaney joins us to discuss what the aftermath of this week's attacks will be.

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RCMP takes over Ottawa shooting investigation, OPP to probe police conduct

The RCMP has taken over the investigation of Wednesday's deadly shooting on Parliament Hill that left 24-year-old Cpl. Nathan Cirillo dead after the attack was deemed a matter of national security, Ottawa police confirmed Saturday. 

Ottawa Police Services handed off the probe to the RCMP Thursday. The Ontario Provincial Police will independently investigate the response of police and security forces to the shooting at the request of the RCMP. 

"[The RCMP] asked the OPP to take on an oversight role the equivalent of what the SIU (Special Investigations Unit) would do in Ontario," Ottawa Police Chief Charles Bordeleau said in an interview with CBC News.

Bordeleau said his force is considered too close for such an internal probe because his officers were involved in collecting forensic evidence from Parliament and the National War Memorial, where Cirillo was standing on ceremonial guard when he was gunned down by 32-year-old Michael Zehaf-Bibeau. 

Zehaf-Bibeau then made his way up Parliament Hill and charged through the doors of Centre Block and engaged in a shoot-out with security inside the building. 

The OPP investigation will try to answer a wide range of questions about the day's events, including if Zehaf-Bibeau's death was preventable.

Sources said "nearly 20 shots" were fired into Bibeau and about 50 shots were taken by RCMP and House of Commons security over the course of the gun fight. 

The RCMP and OPP were not immediately available for comment regarding the investigation.

On Friday, the RCMP said that Zehaf-Bibeau was not among the 93 "high-risk" individuals being monitored as potentially violent radicals, nor was he linked to Martin Rouleau, a man who ran over two Canadian soldiers with his car in Quebec two days before the shooting in Ottawa.

According to his mother, Zehaf-Bibeau was "mad and felt trapped" and had wanted to travel to Saudi Arabia to study Islam and the Qur'an — not Syria, as police have said. 

Michael Zehaf-Bibeau's mother said her son wanted to travel to Saudi Arabia to study the Qur'an and Islam. (CBC)

RCMP Commissioner Bob Paulson said during a news conference on Thursday that Zehaf-Bibeau had told his mother he intended to travel to Syria. The information was apparently gleaned from an RCMP interview with Susan Bibeau. 

In a written statement published in Saturday's National Post, Bibeau said she had tried to correct the misinformation with RCMP, who said they had no record of the request.

"On the day of the press conference, the investigators were going back and listening and transcribing the audio of the interview with the mother and they realized she was talking about Saudi Arabia," RCMP Deputy Commissioner Mike Cabana confirmed to CBC News. 

"They briefed everyone, but it was too late. The Commissioner had already made the statement."

Cabana said realizing the mistake didn't make much of a difference for investigators.

"Individuals who want to travel to Syria often travel to other points like Turkey, or Saudi Arabia, or elsewhere and then transit to Syria, and often don't tell people they plan to go there. So for us, it made no difference," he said.

Canadian officials vowed on Friday to toughen laws against terrorism in the wake of the attack, though critics warned against moves that would curtail civil liberties in a country that prides itself on its openness.

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The face-to-face encounter that ended the attack on Parliament

It is the critical moment of the attack on Parliament Hill: Before any more lives could be taken by gunman Michael Zehaf-Bibeau, he is shot dead by House of Commons Sergeant-at-Arms Kevin Vickers.

CBC News has learned the dramatic details of that face-to-face encounter, when the 58-year-old Vickers confronted Zehaf-Bibeau and killed him at point-blank range.

Zehaf-Bibeau had exchanged gunshots with parliamentary security at the entrance of Centre Block and ran down the long Hall of Honour towards the doors to the Parliamentary Library.

Sergeant-at-Arms for the House of Commons Kevin Vickers, right, received a long standing ovation in the House of Commons Thursday for his 'heroic' actions. CBC News has new details on his decisive move to end Wednesday's attack. (Adrian Wyld/Canadian Press)

As he ran down the hall, pursued by RCMP officers, he passed the barricaded doors on his left, behind which the prime minister and the Conservative MPs were meeting. On his right, the doors to another caucus room where NDP MPs were diving for cover.

He shot at both doors, with one bullet penetrating the outer doors to the NDP caucus room.

Zehaf-Bibeau continued down the hall toward the wooden doors of the Library of Parliament, where he lodged himself behind a stone pillar beside an alcove to the right of the library's entrance.

Vickers' office is around the corner, a few metres away.

Hearing gunshots, Vickers grabbed his side arm, a semi-automatic pistol, and immediately ran out. His security team, who had been chasing Bibeau, yelled to Vickers that the suspect was hiding in the alcove.

Vickers immediately ran behind the other side of the pillar. That put him an arm's-length away from Bibeau.

According to guards, Vickers actually could see the barrel of Bibeau's gun pointing out, a foot away.

Vickers did not hesitate.

In one motion, sources told CBC News he dove to the floor around the pillar, at the feet of Bibeau, turning on his back as he landed and simultaneously firing his weapon upwards at Bibeau.

Bibeau was hit multiple times and fell to the ground. Vickers kept firing, emptying his entire magazine.

As soon as Bibeau dropped, the rest of the security team sprinted forward and opened fire.

Several bullet holes in the walls in the alcove give a sense of the numbers of rounds fired, and many more hit Bibeau.

One bullet passed right through the wooden library doors, hitting the librarians' desk deep inside.

But no one else was injured in that final exchange of gunfire.

This still frame taken from CBC video shows Kevin Vickers, gun drawn, walking down the hall moments after the death of Michael Zehaf-Bibeau inside Centre Block. (CBC)

According to sources, Vickers calmly got up after the firing was over and went back to his office to reload his gun in case a threat remained.

He then went to the Conservative caucus room where Prime Minister Stephen Harper and his MPs had barricaded the room's doors with chairs.

After identifying himself to gain entry to the room, Vickers strode to the microphone at the front of the room and explained what had happened:

"I engaged the suspect and the suspect is deceased," he said.

According to sources, the entire room erupted in cheers, as Vickers left to continue to secure the grounds.

See an inside view of the Hall of Honour from The Canadian Press.

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Parliament shooter used junk mail as temporary licence plate

CBC News has learned Michael Zehaf-Bibeau, the man who attacked Parliament Hill and killed a reservist on Wednesday, drove around for almost 24 hours with a piece of junk mail taped in the rear window of his car in place of a real temporary licence plate.

During that time, he used the car to travel to Mont-Tremblant, Que., a journey of more than 150 kilometres. He spent Tuesday night there with family and returned to Ottawa the next day — the day of the attack.

Residents of the homeless shelter where Zehaf-Bibeau was staying in the days leading to his fatal attack say he had complained of car troubles and was looking to buy a used one.

The Ottawa Citizen reports he found one online and purchased it on Tuesday – the day before the attacks.

The report also says, however, that he was unable to obtain licence plates for the vehicle because he didn't have proper identification.

Fake licence plate

A CBC News investigation has uncovered evidence indicating Zehaf-Bibeau faked a temporary licence plate by taping a piece of junk mail in the corner of the rear window.

Zehaf-Bibeau had used the car to drive to the National War Memorial on Wednesday and then drove it to to the street in front of Parliament Hill, where he abandoned it.

A piece of paper taped to the inside of the shooter's car window appears to be meant as a substitute for a temporary licence plate. (CBC)

Photographs of the abandoned car show it had no licence plates. In the back window, that is instead what appears to be an order form for calendars.

Business next to licence bureau

On that form are the names of two employees of a business at 1800 Bank St in Ottawa – the same strip mall that houses one of the two Service Ontario branches Zehaf-Bibeau is reported to have gone to.

A spokesperson for the Ontario government would not confirm if Zehaf-Bibeau had visited the Service Ontario location on Bank Street or another Ottawa location, citing privacy laws, but did confirm that "we had a loud individual at both locations on that day."

One of the employees listed on the paper taped to the window says Zehaf-Bibeau was not a client of theirs. She said she would have remembered his uncommon name and his appearance. 

Michael Zehaf-Bibeau, the suspected gunman in Wednesday's Ottawa shootings, had a criminal record in B.C. and Quebec. (Twitter)

When the piece of mail was described to the employee, she recalled receiving it and said it had been put out with the recycling that week.

Regardless of how or why Zehaf-Bibeau ended up with a piece of junk mail in place of a legitimate temporary licence plate, it appears that authorities in at least two municipalities and on two sets of provincial highways failed to notice anything amiss.

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Online hate speech could be curtailed under new anti-terror push

In the wake of this week's attacks in Saint-Jean-sur-Richelieu, Que., and Ottawa, the Conservative government is looking at bringing in new laws to crack down on pro-ISIS sentiments like those posted to Quebec assailant Martin Couture-Rouleau's Facebook page, CBC News has learned.

The move to tighten Canada's Criminal Code is expected to come as part of a sweeping overhaul of Canada's national security regime.

Earlier this week, RCMP Supt. Martine Fontaine told reporters investigators simply didn't have enough evidence to arrest Couture-Rouleau, despite concerns over his possible radicalization.

"We did not have enough evidence to charge him and to detain him," she noted.

'Radical thoughts' not a crime in Canada: RCMP

She said investigators followed up with his family and the imam at his local mosque, but had no reason to think or evidence to show that he would commit a crime on Canadian soil.

'We could not arrest someone for having radical thoughts. It's not a crime in Canada."

It's not clear how the government would go about extending the current laws to cover those who go public with their support for ISIS and other suspected extremist groups without raising the ire of free-speech advocates — and possibly constitutional lawyers, as well, depending on the specific approach it takes.

A spokeswoman for Justice Minister Peter MacKay declined to provide any specific details on what new measures may be under consideration. 

"Our government is exploring options to build on our record to better equip our security agencies and law enforcement with the tools they need to intercept threats and ultimately convict those who pose a danger to Canadian families and communities," Jennifer Geary told CBC News.

'No law can possibly deter hateful thoughts'

Several MPs voiced concern over what former Conservative-turned-Independent MP Brent Rathgeber described as the "particularly problematic" idea of regulating thought and expression.

"No law can possibly deter hateful thoughts from those who think them," he told CBC News. "Prohibitory laws will never be tantamount to mind control."

He notes that there are already laws against inciting hatred through calls to action.

"If one is opposed to the Israeli actions in Gaza, does that make her an anti-Semite? If one is against Operation Impact, is that a 'pro-ISIS sentiment'?" he wondered, referring to the U.S.-led military mission targeting ISIS in Syria and Iraq.

"This is a very slippery slope … and is going to have to be dispassionately and reasonably debated."

He said the response from Conservative parliamentary secretary Roxanne James during question period on Friday has left him less than optimistic that such a discussion is likely to happen.

"I see little evidence the government is interested in a collaborative approach, which is unfortunate given what is at stake and the outpouring of fraternalism and solidarity that we evidenced yesterday."

Speaking with reporters outside the House, NDP justice critic Francoise Boivin said the government already spends millions to have CSIS "spy on the internet."

"It's very hard to control hate," she said.

Liberal MP Marc Garneau said he, too, wants to see any bill before deciding whether to support it.

"We live in a country where we have a lot of respect for people's rights and freedoms, and at the moment, as many people have said, if you think something bad, it's not sufficiently cause for arrest," he said.

"Now, if you write something down that's widely disseminated, that's a more complicated dimension."

Conservative MP Rob Clarke, a former RCMP officer, was doubtful the online distribution of material promoting extremist ideologies like ISIS could be stopped entirely.

"You see how the availability of the internet is to everyone around the country and in the world ... It's probably very difficult."

Online hate speech section revoked

The government could find itself on the defensive over last year's decision to back a Conservative private member's bill to remove online hate speech from the Canadian Human Rights Act, and to strip the federal human rights commission's power to investigate complaints.

At the time, the government argued the CHRA was not the appropriate avenue to deal with hate speech and said it would bolster the Criminal Code provisions on hate speech instead.

Most opposition MPs voted against the bill, which nevertheless passed with the full support of the government.

Under the current criminal laws, anyone found guilty of inciting hatred against an identifiable group — which the Criminal Code defines as "any section of the public distinguished by colour, race, religion, national or ethnic origin, age, sex or sexual orientation" —  can be sentenced to up to two years in prison.

The government's proposed anti-cyberbullying bill, which is currently before the Senate, would expand that list to include mental and physical disabilities.

It would also extend the power of the court to seize and remove online material that promotes genocide.

But those changes seem unlikely to apply to the sort of pro-ISIS messaging that the Conservatives reportedly want to shut down.

Even before this week's attacks, the government was looking at the role of the internet in radicalizing Canadians.

Earlier this month, Public Safety Canada put out a call for research proposals on how violent extremist groups use the internet to recruit new members.

The bid notice said "a better understanding of the role of the internet as a communications medium is crucial, given how it may play roles to both advocate and to counter narratives of violent extremism."

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'All of us were in solidarity with Canada': Parliament Hill reopens to public

The National War Memorial was the scene of a touching moment between a local paramedic and an imam as Canadians returned to the grounds of Parliament Hill for the first time after an attack in the nation's capital that left one soldier dead.

On Saturday, many gathered at the National War Memorial to pay respects to Cpl. Nathan Cirillo, including Imam Haider al-Shawi from the Ottawa al-Mahdi Centre. He laid wreaths at the foot of the monument and spoke to the crowd about the shooting and how it doesn't represent his religion. 

Richard Vallance Janke, a former member of the navy, touches the Canadian flag after lighting a candle at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at the National War Memorial during a candlelight vigil in Ottawa on Saturday. (Justin Tang/Canadian Press)

Ottawa paramedic Kyle Pooler was among the listeners. The speech was so touching, Pooler said, he was compelled to hug the imam.

"It was very beautiful. All of us were in solidarity with Canada," Pooler told CBC News.

"It's one of those things where there's no need for animosity or hatred," said a choked-up Pooler. "I just love that … how they went up and said in his language and had someone translate for everybody: 'This is not Islam. This not Muslim. This is not the people we are representing.'"

Adjacent to the memorial, the grounds of Parliament Hill attracted scores of visitors as it reopened to the public for the first time since the shooting. Many were still stunned by Wednesday's attack, which took place as Prime Minister Stephen Harper was meeting with lawmakers.

'Having Parliament Hill open without a huge police presence stopping the public from coming in is very important and symbolic to Canada's openness as a country.'- Alex Borisenko, Ottawa resident

Police presence was light at the grounds on Saturday and flags flew at half mast from the tops of stone turrets. The parliament building itself remained closed to the public, though House Speaker Andrew Scheer said the building would reopen for tours and visits on Monday.

"It is very important to me that they reopened Parliament Hill. Terrorism won't stop Canada from being open and people going about their lives," said Alex Borisenko, 25, a software developer living in Ottawa.

"I know that there are measures to increase security, but having Parliament Hill open without a huge police presence stopping the public from coming in is very important and symbolic to Canada's openness as a country."

The attack in Ottawa on Wednesday — as well as an attack in Quebec on Monday that also left one soldier dead — were the work of Canadian citizens, reported to be recent converts to Islam, who appear to have operated independently, police said. 

The grounds and lawn of Parliament Hill reopened Friday night following the shootings at the National War Memorial and inside Centre Block. (Justin Tang/ Canadian Press)

The first victim, 53-year-old Warrant Officer Patrice Vincent died when a man ran him over with a car in Quebec, while the second, 24-year-old Cirillo was gunned down while standing a ceremonial watch at the National War Memorial.

The attackers, 25-year-old Martin Rouleau, who drove over Vincent and another soldier who survived, and 32-year-old gunman Michael Zehaf-Bibeau, described as troubled and drug addicted, both developed their radical views in Canada, police said.

Cirillo's body was returned to his hometown of Hamilton, Ontario, about 500 kilometres southwest of Ottawa, along the "Highway of Heroes" honouring war dead, on Friday. His funeral was scheduled for Tuesday.

People surround the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at the National War Memorial during a candlelight vigil in Ottawa on Saturday. (Justin Tang/Canadian Press)

Outside parliament, visitors struggled to process the killing.

"I'm here reflecting. My grandson is in the military and I have four brothers who served in World War Two," said Rosemary Errington, 80, a retiree from Sault Ste. Marie visiting the site with family. "It really hits home."

Scheer said counselling sessions will be held on Monday and Tuesday for Commons staff.

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Online hate speech could be curtailed under new anti-terror push

In the wake of this week's attacks in Saint-Jean-sur-Richelieu, Que., and Ottawa, the Conservative government is looking at bringing in new laws to crack down on pro-ISIS sentiments like those posted to Quebec assailant Martin Couture-Rouleau's Facebook page, CBC News has learned.

The move to tighten Canada's Criminal Code is expected to come as part of a sweeping overhaul of Canada's national security regime.

Earlier this week, RCMP Supt. Martine Fontaine told reporters investigators simply didn't have enough evidence to arrest Couture-Rouleau, despite concerns over his possible radicalization.

"We did not have enough evidence to charge him and to detain him," she noted.

'Radical thoughts' not a crime in Canada: RCMP

She said investigators followed up with his family and the imam at his local mosque, but had no reason to think or evidence to show that he would commit a crime on Canadian soil.

'We could not arrest someone for having radical thoughts. It's not a crime in Canada."

It's not clear how the government would go about extending the current laws to cover those who go public with their support for ISIS and other suspected extremist groups without raising the ire of free-speech advocates — and possibly constitutional lawyers, as well, depending on the specific approach it takes.

A spokeswoman for Justice Minister Peter MacKay declined to provide any specific details on what new measures may be under consideration. 

"Our government is exploring options to build on our record to better equip our security agencies and law enforcement with the tools they need to intercept threats and ultimately convict those who pose a danger to Canadian families and communities," Jennifer Geary told CBC News.

'No law can possibly deter hateful thoughts'

Several MPs voiced concern over what former Conservative-turned-Independent MP Brent Rathgeber described as the "particularly problematic" idea of regulating thought and expression.

"No law can possibly deter hateful thoughts from those who think them," he told CBC News. "Prohibitory laws will never be tantamount to mind control."

He notes that there are already laws against inciting hatred through calls to action.

"If one is opposed to the Israeli actions in Gaza, does that make her an anti-Semite? If one is against Operation Impact, is that a 'pro-ISIS sentiment'?" he wondered, referring to the U.S.-led military mission targeting ISIS in Syria and Iraq.

"This is a very slippery slope … and is going to have to be dispassionately and reasonably debated."

He said the response from Conservative parliamentary secretary Roxanne James during question period on Friday has left him less than optimistic that such a discussion is likely to happen.

"I see little evidence the government is interested in a collaborative approach, which is unfortunate given what is at stake and the outpouring of fraternalism and solidarity that we evidenced yesterday."

Speaking with reporters outside the House, NDP justice critic Francoise Boivin said the government already spends millions to have CSIS "spy on the internet."

"It's very hard to control hate," she said.

Liberal MP Marc Garneau said he, too, wants to see any bill before deciding whether to support it.

"We live in a country where we have a lot of respect for people's rights and freedoms, and at the moment, as many people have said, if you think something bad, it's not sufficiently cause for arrest," he said.

"Now, if you write something down that's widely disseminated, that's a more complicated dimension."

Conservative MP Rob Clarke, a former RCMP officer, was doubtful the online distribution of material promoting extremist ideologies like ISIS could be stopped entirely.

"You see how the availability of the internet is to everyone around the country and in the world ... It's probably very difficult."

Online hate speech section revoked

The government could find itself on the defensive over last year's decision to back a Conservative private member's bill to remove online hate speech from the Canadian Human Rights Act, and to strip the federal human rights commission's power to investigate complaints.

At the time, the government argued the CHRA was not the appropriate avenue to deal with hate speech and said it would bolster the Criminal Code provisions on hate speech instead.

Most opposition MPs voted against the bill, which nevertheless passed with the full support of the government.

Under the current criminal laws, anyone found guilty of inciting hatred against an identifiable group — which the Criminal Code defines as "any section of the public distinguished by colour, race, religion, national or ethnic origin, age, sex or sexual orientation" —  can be sentenced to up to two years in prison.

The government's proposed anti-cyberbullying bill, which is currently before the Senate, would expand that list to include mental and physical disabilities.

It would also extend the power of the court to seize and remove online material that promotes genocide.

But those changes seem unlikely to apply to the sort of pro-ISIS messaging that the Conservatives reportedly want to shut down.

Even before this week's attacks, the government was looking at the role of the internet in radicalizing Canadians.

Earlier this month, Public Safety Canada put out a call for research proposals on how violent extremist groups use the internet to recruit new members.

The bid notice said "a better understanding of the role of the internet as a communications medium is crucial, given how it may play roles to both advocate and to counter narratives of violent extremism."

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Ottawa shooting: National War Memorial ceremonial guards back on duty

Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Chief of Defence Staff Gen. Tom Lawson attended a ceremony to pay respect to slain soldier Cpl. Nathan Cirillo and mark the return of two ceremonial guards to the National War Memorial Friday afternoon.

The soldiers took their posts as sentries on either side of the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier for the first time since Cirillo was shot and killed in the same location on Wednesday morning.

Cpl. Daniel Germaine and Cpl. Mark Daigle, Afghanistan veterans from the 2nd Battalion of the Royal Canadian Regiment based in Oromocto, N.B., marched to their posts just after 2 p.m. local time. 

As the sentries took their positions, Cirillo's body was leaving Ottawa by police escort en route to his hometown of Hamilton. 

A military funeral is planned for Tuesday.

After the prime minister and his top general left, public access to the National War Memorial was fully restored, with hundreds of people rushing to the front to pay their respects at the foot of the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier. 

Bouquets of flowers, candles, notes and other mementos were laid by the memorial as members of the public saluted the honour guards and expressed their grief following Wednesday's shooting.

One man walked up the steps of the memorial, turned to face the crowd and began to sing Bring Him Home from the musical Les Misérables. He sang uninterrupted for two minutes, after which the crowd gave him a warm round of applause.

Before leaving the memorial he burst into a rendition of O Canada. The crowd, which included a young girl holding a Canadian flag, joined in with the two honour guards looking on.

The singer told CBC News his name was Doug Corporal.

As activities return to normal in downtown Ottawa, the lawn and surrounding grounds of Parliament will reopen to the general public as of Friday 8 p.m. ET.

"RCMP presence will be maintained at entrances to buildings in the parliamentary precinct," the office for the House of Commons Speaker said in a statement Friday.

While there will be no public tours this weekend, visitors will be able to visit Parliament and watch question period in the public galleries, beginning Monday.

'O Canada' at the National War Memorial4:38

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